Met ‘n onwettige regering in beheer van ‘n land is aanspreeklikheid ‘n luukse! Strafreg word vervang met die een kommissie van ondersoek na die ander en diegene onder verdenking op betaalde verlof vir die aantal jare wat die ondersoek duur!
Hoe natuurlik is dit om in feitlik elke dag se nuusblaaie opskrifte te sien soos: “Police brigadier nabbed with seven others over almost R1m in dodgy contracts” In dieselfde berig lees jy dan: “Another damning matter concerns former acting national police commissioner Khomotso Phahlane and his co-accused who have been slapped with charges emanating from the R191-million “blue light” tender to supply emergency equipment to the SAPS in 2017.”
Oor die onwettige president van hierdie onwettige regime se “matrasgeld”, verskyn daar in die media berigte wat sê: “: Die werklike syfer by Ramaphosa se plaas was US $80 miljoen, gelykstaande aan R1.2 miljard wat relevante wette tot hierdie aangeleentheid soos volg betrek; Volgens artikel 7 (1) (b) van die Wet op die Voorkoming van Georganiseerde Misdaad (PROCA) van 1998, was Cyril Ramaphosa verplig om beide die bedrag buitelandse valuta wat van sy plaas gesteel is en die inbraak self by die Valke aan te meld. deur artikel 17 (b) & (d) van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiedienstewet van 2008. Volgens artikel (8) (1) van PROCA sal enige versuim om aan te meld 'n boete van tot R100 miljoen of 30 jaar gevangenisstraf tot gevolg hê . "Ignorantia juris non excusat" is die gemeenregtelike beginsel wat beteken- onkunde van 'n wet verskoon nie aanspreeklikheid van die wet nie, so daar is geen verskoning waarom Ramaphosa beweer dat hy dit by die Presidensiële Beskermingseenheid aangemeld het nie. ‘n KORT VERDUIDELIKING VAN HOE GLENCORE ALMAL VAN ONS IN SUID-AFRIKA BEROOF”.
- It's so sophisticated it's actually impressive. December 2017, Cyril Ramaphosa became ANC President & given the new position Jacob Zuma who was still the country's president, began a transition by delegating more Government decision making authority to Ramaphosa in 2018. One of Ramaphosa's first new tasks was to oversee the appointment of a new Eskom board. - However Zuma was recalled & Cyril Ramaphosa became President of South Africa & in the same year Glencore then took the decision to buy Optimum Coal company. Remember that Ramaphosa's a former Chair & shareholder of Optimum as Glencore's BBBEE partner through Ramaphosa's company Lexshell. Glencore had lost Optimum in 2016. - After Glencore had repurchased Optimum, Eskom increased the coal purchase price from Glencore, from R150 to R900 per tonne. Eskom corporate governance policy, only the Eskom Board Tender Committee may modify a Coal Supply Agreement (CSA) with a value over R750 million through a Commercial Transaction Form(CTF). The CSA Optimum held with Eskom was to supply 5.5 Mega tonnes per year (MtPa), well in excess of R750 million. The Eskom board appointed by Zuma had refused to increase the price of coal for Glencore from R150 per tonne to R500, however the board appointed directly by Ramaphosa in 2018 approved Glencore's coal price to R900 per tonne. Glencore supplies Eskom's Hendrina Power Station with 5.5 mega tonnes per year. Hendrina uses 6.5 mega tonnes of coal per year. The coal price increase means Eskom now pays Glencore R4,1 billion more for coal each year, so where does Eskom raise this money? - Another example, is last year Eskom also increased the coal purchase price from R416 to R550 per tonne from South32. South32 coal operations belong to a CR17 campaign funder. Eskom now pays R1 billion more for coal each year from South32 to supply Eskom's Duvha Power Station with 6 mega tonnes per year. Duvha uses a total of 11.7 million tons per year. Again, how does Eskom raise this money. - Before Ramaphosa had become President in 2018, during 2017, an electricity price increase of 2.2% was granted by the National Energy Regulator of South Africa(NERSA), however once Ramaphosa had become President & appointed a new Eskom board- Eskom applied for an electricity price increase & NERSA approved a 19.9% electricity tariff increase in 2018. NERSA approved a 9.41% in 2019 & approved an increase of 6.3% in 2020. These increases show NERSA began to lower the percentage rate of annual increases & were below the two digit increase of 2018. - NERSA took a decision to increase the electricity price by 5.22% in 2021 & this showed a continued trend by NERSA of lowering the annual price increase percentage. But Eskom took NERSA to the North Gauteng High Court, & the court forced NERSA to approve a 15.6% increase that raised R10 billion more for Eskom from us who buy electricity. Remember Glencore has pleaded guilty to bribing judges in 5 countries, so the less said about the North Gauteng High Court, the better. - The 2021 increase of 15.6% increase raised R10 billion more for Eskom from us who buy electricity. NERSA approved a 9.6% tariff increase for Eskom in 2022.When added to the 2021 increase, this will raise a total R23 billion more for Eskom in 2022 from us who buy electricity. As you can see, Eskom is raising money from us, to pay for the increase in coal purchase prices from Glencore. Sophisticated & institutionalised corruption. - The average cost of each unit of electricity has increased from 99c per kWh in 2017 to R2.55c in 2022, so we now pay more than double for electricity, so that Glencore can reap the money. Every time we buy electricity, R4.1 billion more from the extra money raised through electricity price increases now goes to Glencore each year. Glencore has the highest debt in the mining industry globally of R96 billion, so we're bailing out Glencore debt each time we buy electricity. - Glencore's pleaded guilty to bribing politicians in 5 countries, & here in South Africa we have Glencore's former business partner heading Government that's colluding with Glencore to rob us through electricity price increases. Brian Molefe made presentations to the Zondo Commission, that Glencore had given Ramaphosa shares to gain political favour, but the Zondo Commission ignored this, & we're now all paying the price through high electricity prices to subsidize Glencore.
Hoeveel van hierdie inligting waar of vals is, is vir die doeleindes van hierdie artikel van die AVP werklik onbelangrik! Dit is die feit dat sulke artikels in die openbare media verskyn, wat belangrik is en wat die AVP se standpunt dat die beeld wat hieruit na vore kom, die uitvloeisel is van die afwyking van die beginsel van afsonderlike Ontwikkeling is soos wat vir meer as 74 jaar voorspel is, ignoreer is en nou ‘n werklikheid geword het.
COP IN THE DOCK
Police brigadier nabbed with seven others over almost R1m in dodgy contracts
Illustrative Image: Police parade at the SAPS college: (Photo by Gallo Images/Foto24/Craig
By Vincent Cruywagen 13 Jun 2022 2
Brigadier Stephina Mahlangu and seven co-accused were released on R3,000 bail each after a brief appearance in the Pretoria Magistrates’ Court on Monday, facing charges of fraud, forgery and theft. The charges emanate from four irregular contracts worth more than R960,000 and awarded between 2014 and 2017.
The other accused are businesspeople Kishene Chetty, Kumarasen Prithiviraj, Salamina Khoza, Harry Milanzi, Abigayle Esau, Lorrette Joubert and Vhutshilo Mulaudzi.
According to the spokesperson for the National Prosecuting Authority’s Investigating Directorate (ID), Sindisiwe Seboka, the eight were arrested over the weekend following an operation by the ID and the SAPS. They were nabbed on Friday and Saturday, 10 and 11 June, and spent the weekend at the Silverton police station.
“The companies are beneficially owned by Kishene Chetty and cover quotes for Sifikile Furniture and Projects (Pty) Ltd. Others are Bambanani Marketing and Projects (Pty) Ltd, Baroma Construction and Office Consumables (Pty) Ltd, Super Stationery Distributors (Pty) Ltd and Vatika and Projects (Pty) Ltd.”
The contracts in question, Seboka explained, were awarded between 2014 and 2017, for the procurement of toners, educational material and digital recording systems.
The prosecutor, advocate Andrea Johnston, said: “The ID’s recent arrest linked to police contracts are a clear indication that no one, including any government department, will be exempt where there is proof of criminality. The consistent hard work of the ID/SAPS team is commended.”
Kishene is also accused of running a vast family racket capturing the police supply’s chain management. According to the ID, the Chettys have run a family racket since at least 2016 which so far involves more than 30 companies, 25 police officers and about 25 civilian associates.
This is not the first time alleged contract irregularity has tarnished the image of the SAPS. In May 2021, Marianne Thamm reported that the SAPS crisis is too big and South Africa must act now.
Another damning matter concerns former acting national police commissioner Khomotso Phahlane and his co-accused who have been slapped with charges emanating from the R191-million “blue light” tender to supply emergency equipment to the SAPS in 2017.
Last month, Phalane failed t0 have the “blue light” case struck off the roll. The matter involving Phalane, along with former deputy national commissioner Bonang Mgwenya, former Gauteng police commissioner Deliwe de Lange, Gauteng deputy police commissioner Nombhuruza Lettie Napo, Lieutenant-General Ramahlapi Mokwena, retired divisional commissioner Brigadier James Ramanjalum, Colonel Thomas Dumas Marima and Sergeant Maetapese Joseph Mulaiwa, will be heard on 2 August 2022.
Also dragged to court is former Crime Intelligence boss Richard Mdluli and his co-accused Heine Barnard (former supply chain manager) and Solomon Lazarus (former chief financial officer of the State Security Agency), facing an array of charges including fraud, money laundering, corruption and contravening the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act.
The alleged crimes were committed between 2008 and 2012. The charges relate to the “gross abuse” of a police intelligence slush fund.
Mdluli is serving a five-year sentence, meted out by the Johannesburg High Court in September 2020, for kidnapping and assault that date back to 1998. Jis application for leave to appeal against the sentence was denied.
The new fraud and money laundering case will be back in the Gauteng High Court on Monday, 20 June when an application for unreasonable delays in terms of the section 342A of the Criminal Procedure Act will be heard. The pre-trial conferences can begin only once this application has been finalised.
Meanwhile, co-accused Ramanjalum is also implicated in another matter. In March 2021, facing corruption charges along with 14 other accused in connection with a R1.9-million SAPS personal protective equipment procurement, was denied bail in the Gauteng High Court sitting in Palm Ridge.
The court has heard evidence that Ramanjalum allegedly plotted to kill those investigating and prosecuting him. He appealed against the magistrates’ court decision to deny him bail in February 2022.
Mahlangu and the other seven accused will return to the Pretoria Magistrates’ Court on 29 June for allocation to the regional court. DM